Download Conference Note HERE: Concept_Note_China_Governance_3-2018-FINAL
It is well known that China has emerged as a leading driver of global economic activity. China is now a major producer of goods, and it is quickly becoming an important source of services as well. Chinese investment worldwide is now an important factor in driving global production. With that economic expansion has come a measure of influence, especially in matters of economy and trade. China has sought to institutionalize this role through a number of initiatives. Many of these suggest a new Chinese oriented multilateralism. Among these is the One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiative, through which China will seek to put its own stamp on the operation of global production chains. Also increasingly important is China’s role as a leader of states in developing strategies for infrastructure development through the Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank.
The Chinese economic system has emerged as a model, especially for developing states. It offers a combination of state direction (the leadership of the political sphere) that is informed by the operation of market forces in a constant interaction that produces guided economic growth that meets the political objectives of the nation. This model has appeal to developing states and offers a measure of autonomy for states that might otherwise find themselves at the mercy of outside forces over which they have little control. This model is built around three sectors—a strong state sector that can provide leadership in the form of objectives (macro choices among possibilities for economic activities) and rules to ensure an appropriate functioning of such activity; a strong state enterprise sector through which the state can manage economic activity in markets; and a strong market sector through which private markets activity might be exercised in coordination with or that complements the activities of the state.
What is less well known is that the drive toward economic leadership in the world has also be accompanied by a strong effort to develop Chinese normative and rule structures through which power can be put in a cage and leadership exercised in conformity with norms. The fundamental objective of the development of the productive forces of Chinese governance is to foster a rules basis for the operation of the state and to manage the exercise of discretion by officials in accordance with the norms and rules—to “lead by example, follow the party constitution and rules, conform to the party’s political norms and disciplines, always remember the party’s mission, and set a good example for party members” (CPC to hold key plenum in October, focus on Party management). These objectives apply to all aspects of the organization of society. They are meant to produce stability and order within the context of Chinese political principles. The focus of this activity is not merely on the regulation of conduct but also on the regulation of markets—most importantly now the regulation of markets for information (data and assessment), social and economic, and protection against abuse from internet rumors through regulations designed to protect the integrity of channels of communication in accordance with the political framework of the state.
China also has been moving forward its project to develop a coherent and autonomous theory of Socialist Rule of Law and Socialist Legality that is meant to provide a conceptual and operational basis for the functioning of state, economy and society in accordance with rules that would guide individuals and officials alike. It is meant to derive from the fundamental political principles of Chinese governance and to institutionalize those norms within the operational systems of the core institutions of politics, economics, and society. What distinguishes Socialist Rule of Law is inherent in its Chinese characteristics. These touch on both Chinese culture and on the operational political structure of the state—one based on the leadership of a vanguard party the leadership of which is essential to the operational decisions undertaken by the administrative organs of state, and which serve as guidance for activities in the non-state sectors. For Westerners, the distinguishing qualities of Socialist Rule of Law tends to focus on the relationship of the judiciary to the state (Xi urges socialist rule of law). Western notions of the relationship of the role and scope of the state constitution and of the allocation of political authority and leadership also distinguish Socialist Rule of Law from its Western variant.
The development of the structures of Chinese governance was highlighted in the work of the 19th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, which concluded in October 2017. The 19th CCP Congress outlined an ambitious program of development of the structures of governance to meet the challenges of the contemporary world. That development will be guided by the thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics in the New Era —新时代中国特色社会主义思想 —introduced by Xi Jinping as the central theme of the Report delivered on 18 October 2017 (original language version of that Report — 中文 ).
In the wake of the 19th CCP Congress China has moved aggressively to reform its governance systems and their implementation. On October 24, 2017, the CCP Congress adopted a resolution on the Constitution of the Communist Party of China (Amendment), effective immediately. The revision represents an important development in the evolution of the political constitution of China, defining the vanguard party’s program, organization, organization system, party members, party members’ rights and obligations, party discipline, and the like. On 28 December 2017, the Politburo of the CCP announced an intention to amend the state constitution as well.
Taken together, these changes mark the rise of China not merely as a leader in the economic field, but increasingly now as a leader in the development of law and governance structures, including the higher law of a state. It becomes necessary, then, to study the developments in Chinese governance, including constitutionalism and approaches to the legalities of relationships within the international community. These changes also require a recognition that the principles of governance being developed may affect not just state to state relations, but also the relations between Chinese actors and global partners in emerging multilateral structures.
This conference hopes to draw these trends together. Bringing speakers together from the U. S., China and Europe, Conference participants will consider the internal and external consequences of the current development of Chinese governance. Conference participants will explore these developments within the normative framework of the Chinese politics and government from a variety of perspectives. The discussion will also consider the global implications of these developments for China and states and private actors with which China will continue to engage in the political, economic, and societal spheres. The Conference is scheduled for 14 March 2018 and held at Katz Hall, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA. It will be livestreamed and thereafter available on video. The Conference is sponsored by the Coalition for Peace & Ethics, Penn State Rock Ethics Institute, the Penn State School of International Affairs, Penn State Law and the Research Career Development Network of Law and International Affairs.
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中国的法治与国家治理：国内与国外两个视角
2018年3月15日, 会议概念文件
众所周知,中国已经成为全球经济活动的主要动力。尽管中国现在主要是一个商品生产者，但其也正迅速成为全球市场中重要的服务提供者。中国在全球范围内的投资是推动全球生产发展的一个重要动力。在这一背景下，经济扩张已经成为中国国际影响力的衡量标准，这一点在经济和贸易方面表现尤为明显。中国正尝试通过一系列措施将其扮演的这一重要角色制度化，一个新的面向中国的多边主义似乎正在形成。一个典型的例子是，中国正寻求通过“一带一路”倡议在全球产业链上留下不可抹去的中国印记。同样越来越重要的是，中国正通过亚洲基础设施投资银行来打造其作为主权国家中为基础设施发展制定发展战略的领导者地位。
中国的经济体系已经初步上升为了一个模式，这一点对发展中国家来说尤为如此。这种模式将国家指导（政治决策圈的领导）和受国家引导的市场力量结合在一起，二者间的互动创造了有所指导的经济增长，也适应了国家的政治目标。这种模式之所以吸引发展中国家的原因在于其赋予了国家实现经济自治的手段，这些国家往往发现自己的经济发展很大程度上是由外部力量所控制的。这一模式建立在三大部门之上，首先是即强大的国家部门，它能够提供以目标（各种可能的经济活动中的宏观选择）为形式的领导和保证经济活动合理运行的规则；其次是一个强大的国有企业部门，国家通过这一部门管理市场上的经济活动；最后是强大的市场，私有的市场活动将在这里配合或补充国家的活动。
比上述事实更不为人知的是，中国不遗余力对一套规范性的规则体系的构建也助推了中国经济走上世界的领导地位，这样一套体系能“把权力关进制度的笼子”并且让领导权依据规范而行使。发展中国治理中的生产力的根本目标是打造一个规则基础以便于在国家和运转和管理过程中，官员能够根据规范和规则行使其自由裁量权，即“身先垂范，遵守党章党规，遵守党的政治规范和纪律，永远记住党的使命，为党员树立好榜样”。这些目标对任何一种社会组织都是适用的。实际上，这些目标在中国政治原则的语境之中创造了稳定性和秩序性。制定这些目标的目的并不仅仅聚焦于对行为的监管，它也关注对市场的监管—在当前的背景下，更重要的是对社会、经济信息市场（数据和评估）的监管，以及通过监管来保护交流渠道与国家政治框架一致的正当性从而防止互联网谣言泛滥。
中国已经尝试发展一套具有连贯性和自治性特点的社会主义法治和社会主义法制理论，也就是要为国家、经济和社会依据“法律面前人人平等”原则的运作提供概念层面和操作层面的基础。这意味着从中国治理的根本政治原则中衍生开来并在政治、经济和社会核心体系的运作系统中将这些规则制度化。社会主义法治之所以与众不同的原因就在于其中国特色。这既涉及到中国文化，又涉及到国家运转的政治体系—基于先锋政党的领导，这种领导对于国家行政机构所采取的运营决策来说至关重要，并且被视作非公部门活动的引导。对于西方人来说，社会主义法治的独特特征似乎聚焦于国家的司法关系。西方对国家宪法的角色和作用、政治权威及领导的分配等的观念也与社会主义法治大相径庭。
2017年十月的十九大报告强调了中国治理结构的发展。十九大为治理结构的发展勾勒出了一个雄心勃勃的规划以迎接当前世界所带来的挑战。这一新发展将由习近平提出的新时代中国特色社会主义思想引导（这也是2017年10月18日十九大报告的主题）。
十九大之后，中国正昂首阔步对其治理体系和实施进行改革。2017年10月24日，中国共产党全国代表大会通过了修改党章的决议并立即生效。这一修订象征着中国政治宪章演进中的一个重大发展，定义了党的章程、组织、组织系统、党员、党员权利与义务、党的纪律等等。2017年12月28日，中共中央政治局宣布了其修改国家宪法的提议。
总的来说，这些改变都标志着中国的崛起将不仅仅是在经济层面，而是越来越多地表现在法治和治理结构的发展上，包括国家层面上更高法律规则。因此，了解包括宪政和中国在对国际社会中关系合法性的参与模式在内的中国治理是有必要的。这些改变也要求正在构建中的治理的原则可能不仅仅将影响国家与国家间的关系，也将影响在正在崛起的多边国际结构中中国参与方和其全球伙伴之间的关系。
这次会议希望能够将上述趋势放在一起讨论。与来自美国、中国和欧洲的学者一起，本次会议的参与者们会讨论中国治理当前发展的内部和外部影响。与会者们将在中国政治和政府的规范性框架中，从许多不同角度探讨上述发展趋势。这次讨论也将考虑这些新发展对中国国家和私人行为体在全球层面的影响，在政治、经济和社会层面上，中国还将与这些行为体进一步互动。本次会议将在2018年3月15日下午于宾夕法尼亚州立大学Lewis Katz Building 110举办，整场会议提供现场直播和全程录像。